A unified approach to parasitic gap and across-the-board constructions: Evidence based on Mandarin Chinese

Despite the lack of consensus on English facts, this study demonstrates that both parasitic gap (PG) and across-the-board (ATB) constructions in Mandarin Chinese exhibit parallel effects in variable binding reconstruction, while also displaying asymmetries in gap licensing categories. I argue that these patterns in Mandarin Chinese align with the sideward movement approach, supporting a version of the unified approach to deriving both constructions. Specifically, the gaps in question are filled by variables, consistent with both constructions being derived via sideward movement. The observed asymmetries lend support to the view that the licensing of ATB gaps is more permissive than that of PGs, as additional conditions (such as the Parallelsim Requirement) on coordinate structures can license sideward movement in ATB sentences.